Friends and Citizens:
The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the = executive=20 government of the United States being not far distant, and the time = actually=20 arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person = who is to=20 be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, = especially as it=20 may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I = should now=20 apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered = among=20 the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that = this=20 resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the = considerations=20 appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his = country; and=20 that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation = might=20 imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future = interest, no=20 deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported = by a=20 full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which = your=20 suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of = inclination to=20 the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your = desire. I=20 constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, = consistently=20 with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that=20 retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my=20 inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to = the=20 preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on = the=20 then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, = and the=20 unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to = abandon=20 the idea.
I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as = internal, no=20 longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the = sentiment of=20 duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained = for my=20 services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will = not=20 disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were = explained=20 on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say = that I=20 have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and=20 administration of the government the best exertions of which a very = fallible=20 judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority = of my=20 qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the = eyes of=20 others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every = day the=20 increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of = retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that = if any=20 circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were = temporary, I=20 have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite = me to=20 quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the = career of=20 my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep = acknowledgment=20 of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many = honors=20 it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with = which it=20 has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of = manifesting=20 my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though = in=20 usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country = from=20 these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an=20 instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the = passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst=20 appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often = discouraging, in=20 situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced = the spirit=20 of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of = the=20 efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. = Profoundly=20 penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a = strong=20 incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the = choicest tokens=20 of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be = perpetual;=20 that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be = sacredly=20 maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped = with=20 wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these = States,=20 under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a = preservation=20 and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory = of=20 recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every = nation=20 which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, = which=20 cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to = that=20 solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your = solemn=20 contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments = which=20 are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and = which=20 appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a = people. These=20 will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in = them the=20 disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no = personal=20 motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, = your=20 indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar = occasion.=20
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your = hearts, no=20 recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the = attachment.
The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now = dear to=20 you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your = real=20 independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace = abroad; of=20 your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so = highly prize.=20 But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from = different=20 quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in = your=20 minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your = political=20 fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies = will be=20 most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) = directed,=20 it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense = value of=20 your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that = you should=20 cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming = yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your = political safety=20 and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety;=20 discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in = any event=20 be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every = attempt=20 to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the = sacred=20 ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. = Citizens, by=20 birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to = concentrate=20 your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your = national=20 capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any=20 appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of=20 difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political=20 principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; = the=20 independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and = joint=20 efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves = to your=20 sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more = immediately to=20 your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most = commanding=20 motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. =
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected = by the=20 equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the = latter great=20 additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious=20 materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, = benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its = commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the = North,=20 it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it = contributes, in=20 different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national = navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, = to which=20 itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the = West,=20 already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior = communications by=20 land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the = commodities=20 which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives = from the=20 East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps = of still=20 greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of=20 indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, = and the=20 future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by = an=20 indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by = which the=20 West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own = separate=20 strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign = power,=20 must be intrinsically precarious.
While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and = particular=20 interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the = united mass=20 of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably = greater=20 security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their = peace by=20 foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive = from union=20 an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so = frequently=20 afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, = which=20 their own rival ships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which = opposite=20 foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and = embitter.=20 Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown = military=20 establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to = liberty,=20 and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican = liberty. In=20 this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop = of your=20 liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the = preservation of=20 the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting = and=20 virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary = object of=20 patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can = embrace so=20 large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation = in such a=20 case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization = of the=20 whole with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective = subdivisions,=20 will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and = full=20 experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting = all parts=20 of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its=20 impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism = of=20 those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as = matter=20 of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for = characterizing=20 parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic = and=20 Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there = is a=20 real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of = party to=20 acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the = opinions=20 and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much = against the=20 jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; = they=20 tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together = by=20 fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately = had a=20 useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the = Executive,=20 and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with = Spain, and=20 in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United = States, a=20 decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them = of a=20 policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly = to their=20 interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the=20 formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, = which=20 secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign=20 relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their = wisdom to=20 rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they = were=20 procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such = there=20 are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with = aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the =
whole is=20
indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an =
adequate=20
substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and =
interruptions=20
which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this =
momentous=20
truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a=20
constitution of government better calculated than your former for an =
intimate=20
union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This=20
government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, =
adopted=20
upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its=20
principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with =
energy, and=20
containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just =
claim to=20
your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance =
with its=20
laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the =
fundamental=20
maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right =
of the=20
people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the =
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and=20 associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design = to=20 direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action = of the=20 constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, = and of=20 fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial = and=20 extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the = nation=20 the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority = of the=20 community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different = parties, to=20 make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and = incongruous=20 projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome = plans=20 digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now = and=20 then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and = things, to=20 become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men = will be=20 enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves = the reins=20 of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted = them to=20 unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of = your=20 present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily = discountenance=20 irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you = resist=20 with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious = the=20 pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, = alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to = undermine=20 what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may = be=20 invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix = the true=20 character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience = is the=20 surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing = constitution=20 of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere = hypothesis and=20 opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of = hypothesis and=20 opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of = your=20 common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as = much=20 vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is = indispensable.=20 Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly = distributed=20 and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a = name, where=20 the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to = confine=20 each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and = to=20 maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of = person and=20 property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, = with=20 particular reference to the founding of them on geographical = discriminations.=20 Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most = solemn=20 manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. =
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having = its root=20 in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different = shapes in=20 all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in = those=20 of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly = their=20 worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by = the spirit=20 of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and = countries=20 has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful = despotism. But=20 this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The = disorders and=20 miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek = security and=20 repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the = chief of=20 some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his = competitors, turns=20 this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of = public=20 liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which = nevertheless=20 ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual = mischiefs of=20 the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a = wise=20 people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the = public=20 administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies = and false=20 alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments = occasionally=20 riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and = corruption,=20 which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the = channels=20 of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are = subjected to=20 the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks = upon the=20 administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of = liberty.=20 This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a = monarchical=20 cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the = spirit of=20 party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely = elective, it=20 is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is = certain=20 there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. = And there=20 being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of = public=20 opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it = demands a=20 uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of = warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free =
country=20
should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to =
confine=20
themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in =
the=20
exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The =
spirit of=20
encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in =
one, and=20
thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A =
just=20
estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which =
predominates in=20
the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this =
position. The=20
necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by =
dividing=20
and distributing it into different depositaries, and constituting each =
the=20
guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been =
evinced by=20
experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under =
our own=20
eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in =
the=20
opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the =
constitutional=20
powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment =
in the=20
way which the
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political = prosperity,=20 religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man = claim=20 the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great = pillars of=20 human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. = The mere=20 politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish = them. A=20 volume could not trace all their connections with private and public = felicity.=20 Let it simply be asked: Where is the security for property, for = reputation, for=20 life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are = the=20 instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with = caution=20 indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without = religion.=20 Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds = of=20 peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that = national=20 morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary = spring of=20 popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to = every=20 species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look = with=20 indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for = the=20 general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a = government=20 gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion = should be=20 enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public = credit.=20 One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, = avoiding=20 occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that = timely=20 disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater=20 disbursements to repel it, avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, = not only=20 by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertion in time of = peace to=20 discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not = ungenerously=20 throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The = execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is = necessary=20 that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the = performance of=20 their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind = that=20 towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue = there=20 must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less=20 inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, = inseparable from=20 the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of = difficulties),=20 ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct = of the=20 government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the = measures for=20 obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. =
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace = and=20 harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it = be, that=20 good policy does not equally enjoin it 7 It will be worthy of a free,=20 enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to = mankind the=20 magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an = exalted=20 justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and = things,=20 the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages = which=20 might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence = has not=20 connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The = experiment,=20 at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. = Alas!=20 is it rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that=20 permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and = passionate=20 attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, = just and=20 amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which = indulges=20 towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some = degree a=20 slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of = which is=20 sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy = in one=20 nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and = injury, to=20 lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, = when=20 accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent = collisions,=20 obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by = ill-will and=20 resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best = calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the = national=20 propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at = other times=20 it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of = hostility=20 instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious = motives. The=20 peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the = victim.=20
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another = produces a=20 variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the = illusion of=20 an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest = exists, and=20 infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a=20 participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate = inducement=20 or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of = privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation = making the=20 concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been = retained, and=20 by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the = parties=20 from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, = corrupted,=20 or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), = facility to=20 betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, = sometimes=20 even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense = of=20 obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable = zeal for=20 public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or = infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments = are=20 particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. = How many=20 opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to = practice the=20 arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the = public=20 councils 7 Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and = powerful=20 nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to = believe=20 me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be = constantly awake,=20 since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the = most=20 baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful = must be=20 impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be = avoided,=20 instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign = nation and=20 excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger = only on=20 one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the = other.=20 Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to = become=20 suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and=20 confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in = extending=20 our commercial relations, to have with them as little political = connection as=20 possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be = fulfilled=20 with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary = interests=20 which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be = engaged in=20 frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to = our=20 concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate = ourselves by=20 artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the = ordinary=20 combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a = different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. = the=20 period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external = annoyance;=20 when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at = any=20 time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent = nations, under=20 the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly = hazard the=20 giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, = guided=20 by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our = own to=20 stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of = any=20 part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of = European=20 ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any = portion=20 of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; = for let=20 me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing=20 engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to = private=20 affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, = let=20 those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my = opinion, it is=20 unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a=20 respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary = alliances for=20 extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by = policy,=20 humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an = equal and=20 impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or = preferences;=20 consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by = gentle=20 means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing (with = powers so=20 disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights = of our=20 merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional = rules of=20 intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will = permit,=20 but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, = as=20 experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view = that it=20 is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; = that it=20 must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept = under=20 that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the = condition=20 of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being = reproached with=20 ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to = expect or=20 calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, = which=20 experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and = affectionate=20 friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression = I could=20 wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or = prevent our=20 nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of = nations.=20 But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some = partial=20 benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to = moderate the=20 fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, = to=20 guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be = a full=20 recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been=20 dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by = the=20 principles which have been delineated, the public records and other = evidences of=20 my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the = assurance of my=20 own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by = them.=20
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of = the=20 twenty-second of April, I793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by = your=20 approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of = Congress,=20 the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by = any=20 attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could = obtain,=20 I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of = the case,=20 had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a = neutral=20 position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon = me, to=20 maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this con duct, it = is not=20 necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, = according to my=20 understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any = of the=20 belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without = anything more,=20 from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, = in cases=20 in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace = and=20 amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be = referred=20 to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has = been to=20 endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent = institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of = strength=20 and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the = command of=20 its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am = unconscious of=20 intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to = think it=20 probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I=20 fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which = they may=20 tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never = cease to=20 view them with indulgence; and that, after forty five years of my life = dedicated=20 to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities = will be=20 consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. =
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by = that=20 fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it = the native=20 soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I = anticipate with=20 pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, = without=20 alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my = fellow-citizens, the=20 benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever-favorite = object=20 of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, = labors, and=20 dangers.
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